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4M&  £outf)  ILeaHetg, 

No.  119. 


Raleigh's    First 

Roanoke 

Colony. 


THE  ACCOUNT  BY  RALPH  LANE. 

An  account  of  the  particularities  of  the  imployments  of  the  English 
men  left  in  Virginia  by  Richard  Greenevill  under  the  charge 
of  Master  Ralph  Lane  Generall  of  the  same,  from  the  17.  of 
August  1385.  until  the  18.  of  June  1586.  at  which  time  they 
departed  the  Countrey ;  sent  and  directed  to  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh. 

THat  I  may  proceede  with  order  in  this  discourse,  I  thinke 
it  requisite  to  divide  it  into  two  parts.  The  first  shall  declare 
the  particularities  of  such  partes  of  the  Countrey  within  the 
maine,  as  our  weake  number,  and  supply  of  things  necessarie 
did  inable  us  to  enter  into  the  discovery  of. 

The  second  part  shall  set  downe  the  reasons  generally  mov- 
ing us  to  resolve  on  our  departure  at  the  instant  with  the 
Generall  Sir  Francis  Drake,  and  our -common  reque^  for  pas- 
sage with  him,  when  the  barkes,  pinnesses,  and  boates  with  the 
Masters  and  Mariners  meant  by  him  to  bee  left  in  the  Countrey, 
for  the  supply  of  such,  as  for  a  further  time  meant  to  have 
stayed  there,  were  caryed  away  with  tempest  and  foule 
weather :  In  the  beginning  whereof  shall  bee  declared  the  con- 
spiracie  of  Pemisapan,  with  the  Savages  of  the  maine  to  have 
cut  us  off,  &c. 

The  first  part  declaring  the  particularities  of  the  Countrey  of 
Virginia. 

First  therefore  touching  the  particularities  of  the  Countrey, 
you  shall  understand  that  our  discoverie  of  the  same  hath  beene 

381 


extended  from  the  Island .  of  Roanoak,  (the  same '  having  bene 
the  place  of  our  settlement  or  habitation)  into  the  South,  into 
the  North,  into  the^  Northwest,  and  into  the  West. 

The  uttermost  place  to  the  Southward  of  any  discovery  was 
Secotan,  being  by  estimation  fourescore  miles  distant  from 
Roanoak.  The  passage  from  thence  was  through  a  broad 
sound  within  the  mayne,  the  same  being  without  kenning  of 
lande,  and  yet  full  of  flats  and  shoalds :  *  we  had  but  one  boate 
with  four  oares  to  passe  through  the  same,  which  boate  could 
not  carry  above  fifteene  men  with  their  furniture,  baggage,  and 
victuall  for  seven  dayes  at  the  most:  and  as  for  our  pinesse, 
besides  that  she  drew  too  deep  water  for  that  shallow  sound, 
she  would  not  stirre  for  an  oare :  for  these  and  other  reasons 
(winter  also  being  at  hand)  we  thought  good  wholly  to  leeve  the 
discovery  of  those  parts  untill  our  stronger  supply. 

To  the  Northward  our  furthest  discovery  was  to  the  Chese- 
pians  f  distant  from  Roanoak  about  130.  miles,  the  passage  to 
it  was  very  shallow  and  most  dangerous,  by  reason  of  the 
bredth  of  the  sound,  and  the  little  succour  that  upon  any  flawe 
was  there  to  be  had. 

But  the  Territorie  and  soyle  of  the  Chesepians  (being  distant 
fifteene  miles  from  the  shore)  was  for  pleasantnes  of  seat,  for 
temperature  of  Climate,  for  fertilitie  of  soyle  and  for  the  com- 
moditie  of  the  Sea,  besides  multitude  of  Beares  (being  an 
excellent  good  victuall)  with  great  woods  of  Sassafras,  and 
Wallnut  trees,  is  not  to  be  excelled  by  any  other  whatsoever. 

There  be  sundry  Kings,  whom  they  call  Weroances,  and 
Countreys  of  great  fertility  adioyning  to  the  same,  as  the  Man- 
doages,  Tripanicks,  and  Opossians,  which  all  came  to  visite  the 
Colonie  of  the  English,  which  I  had  for  a  time  appointed  to  be 
resident  there. 

To  the  Northwest  the  farthest  place  of  our  discovery  was  to 
Chawanook  distant  from  Roanoak  about  130.  miles.  Our 
passage  thither  lyeth  through  a  broad  sound,  t  but  all  fresh 
water,  and  the  chanell  of  a  great  depth,  navigable  for  good 
shipping,  but  out  of  the  chanell  full  of  shoalds. 

The  Townes  about  the  waters  side  situated  by  the  way  are 
these  following :  Passaquenoke  The  womans  Towne,  Chepanoc, 
Weapomeiok,  Muscamunge,  and  Metackwem :  all  these  being 
under  the  iurisdiction  of  the  king  of  Weopomeiok,  called  Okisco : 
From  Muscamunge  we  enter  into  the  River,  §  and  iurisdiction 

*  Pamlico  Sound.        t  Chesapeake  Bay.         J  Albemarle  Sound.        §  River  Meherrin? 


-of  Chawanook :  There  the  River  beginneth  to  straighten  until 
it  come  to  Chawanook,  and  then  groweth  to  be  as  narrow  as 
the  Thames  betweene  Westminster  and  Lambeth. 

Betwene  Muscamunge  and  Chawanook  upon  the  left  hand  as 
wee  passe,  thither,  is  a  goodly  high  land,  and  there  is  a  Towne 
which  we  called  The  blinde  Towne,  but  the  Savages  called  it 
Ohanoak,  and  hath  a  very  goodly  corne  field  belonging  unto  it: 
it  is  subiect  to  Chawanook. 

Chawanook  it  selfe  is  the  greatest  Province  and  Seigniorie 
lying  upon  that  River,  and  that  the  Towne  it  selfe  is  able  to 
put  700.  fighting  men  into  the  fielde,  besides  the  force  of  the 
Province  it  selfe. 

The  king  of  the  sayd  Province  is  called  Menatonon,  a  man 
impotent  in  his  lims,  but  otherwise  for  a  Savage,  a  very  grave 
and  wise  man,  and  of  a  very  singular  good  discourse  in  matters 
concerning  the  state,  not  onely  of  his  owne  Countrey,  and  the 
disposition  of  his  owne  men,  but  also  of  his  neighbours  round 
about  him  as  well  farre  as  neere,  and  of  the  commodities  that 
eache  Countrey  yeeldeth.  When  I  had  him  prisoner  with  me, 
for  two  dayes  that  we  were  together,  he  gave  mee  more  under- 
standing and  light  of  the  Countrey  then  I  had  received  by  all 
the  searches  and  Savages  that  before  I  or  any  of  my  companie 
had  had  conference  with:  it  was  in  March  last  past  1586. 
Amongst  other  things  he  tolde  me,  that  going  three  dayes 
iourney  in  a  Canoe  up  his  River  of  Chawanook,  and  then 
descending  to  the  land,  you  are  within  foure  dayes  iourney  to 
passe  over  land  Northeast  to  a  certaine  kings  countrey,  whose 
Province  lyeth  upon  the  Sea,  but  his  place  of  greatest  strength 
is  an  Island  situate,  as  he  described  unto  mee,  in  a  Bay,  the 
water  round  about  the  Island  very  deepe. 

Out  of  this  Bay  hee  signified  unto  mee,  that  this  King  had  so 
greate  quantitie  of  Pearle,  and  doeth  so  ordinarily  take  the 
same,  as  that  not  onely  his  owne  skinnes  that  hee  weareth,  and 
the  better  sort  of  his  gentlemen  and  followers  are  full  set  with 
the  sayd  Pearle,  but  also  his  beds,  and  houses  are  garnished 
with  them,  and  that  hee  hath  such  quantitie  of  them,  that  it  is 
a  wonder  to  see. 

He  shewed  me  that  the  sayd  King  was  with  him  at  Chawa- 
nook two  yeeres  before,  and  brought  him  certaine  Pearle,  but 
the  same  of  the  worst  sort,  yet  was  he  faine.to  buy  them  of  him 
for  copper  at  a  deere  rate,  as  he  thought.  Hee  gave  mee  a 
rope  of  the  same  pearle,  but  they  were  blacke,  and  naught,  yet 

3*3 


many  of  them  were  very  great,  and  a  few  amongst  a  number 
very  orient  and  round,  all  which  I  lost  with  other  things  of 
mine,  comming  aboord  Sir  Francis  Drake  his  Fleete;  yet  he 
tolde  me  that  the  sayd  King  had  great  store  of  Pearle  that 
were  white,  great,  and  round,  and  that  his  blacke  Pearle  his 
men  did  take  out  of  shallow  water,  but  the  white  Pearle  his 
men  fished  for  in  very  deepe  water. 

It  seemed  to  me  by  his  speach,  that  the  sayd  King  had 
traffique  with  white  men  that  had  clothes  as  we  have,  for  these 
white  Pearle,  and  that  was  the  reason  that  hee  would  not 
depart  with  other  then  with  blacke  Pearles,  to  those  of  the 
same  countrey. 

The  king  of  Chawanook  promised  to  give  me  guids  to  go 
over  land  into  that  kings  countrey  whensoever  I  would :  but  he 
advised  me  to  take  good  store  of  men  with  me,  and  good  store 
of  victuall,  for  he  said,  that  king  would  be  loth  to  suffer  any 
strangers  to  enter  into  his  Countrey,  and  especially  to  meddle 
with  the  fishing  for  any  Pearle  there,  and  that  hee  was  able  to 
make  a  great  many  of  men  in  to  the  field,  which  he  sayd  would 
fight  very  well. 

,  Hereupon  I  resolved  with  my  selfe,  that  if  your  supplie  had 
come  before  the  ende  of  Aprill,  and  that  you  had  sent  any 
store  of  boates  or  men,  to  have  had  them  made  in  any  reason- 
able time,  with  a  sufficient  number  of  men  and  victuals  to  have 
found  us  untill  the  newe  corne  were  come  in,  I  would  have  sent 
a  small  barke  with  two  pinnesses  about  by  Sea  to  the  North- 
ward to  have  found  out  the  Bay  he  spake  of,  and  to  have 
sounded  the  barre  if  there  were  any,  which  should  have  ridden 
there  in  the  sayd  Bay  about  that  Hand,  while  I  with  all  the 
small  boates  I  could  make,  and  with  two  hundred  men  would 
have  gone  up  to  the  head  of  the  river  of  Chawanook  with  the 
guids  that  Menatonon  would .  have  given  me,  which  I  would 
have  bene  assured  should  have  beene  of  his  best  men,  (for  I 
had  his  best  beloved  sonne  prisoner  with  me)  who  also  should 
have  kept  me  companie  in  an  handlocke  with  the  rest,  foote  by 
foote,  all  the  voyage  over  land. 

My  meaning  was  further  at  the  head  of  the  River  in  the 
place  of  my  descent  where  I  would  have  left  my  boates,  to  have 
raised  a  sconse  with  a  small  trench,  and  a  pallisado  upon  the 
top  of  it,  in  the  which,  and  in  the  guard  of  my  boates  I  would 
have  left  five  and  twentie,  or  thirtie  men,  with  the  rest  would  I 
have  marched  with  as  much  victuall  as  every  man  could  have 
3S4 


•  5 

caried,  with  their  furniture,  mattocks,  spades  and  axes,  two 
dayes  iourney.  In  the  ende  of  my  march  upon  some  conven- 
ient plot  would  I  have  raised  another  sconse  according  to  the 
former,  where  I  would  have  left  fiftene  or  twentie.  And  if  it 
would  have  fallen  out  conveniently,  in  the  way  I  would  have 
raised  my  saide  sconse  upon  some  Corne  fielde,  that  my  com- 
pany might  have  lived  upon  it. 

And  so  I  would  have  holden  this  course  of  insconsing  every 
two  dayes  march,  untill  I  had  bene  arrived  at  the  Bay  or  Port 
hee  spake  of :  which  finding  to  bee  worth  the  possession,  I 
would  there  have  raised  a  maine  fort,  both  for  the  defence  of 
the  harborough,  and  our  shipping  also,  and  would  have  reduced 
our  whole  habitation  from  Roanoak  and  from  the  harborough 
and  port  there  (which  by  proofe  is  very  naught)  unto  this  other 
before  mentioned,  from  whence,  in  the  foure  dayes  march 
before  specified,  could  I  at  al  times  returne  with  my  company 
back  unto  my  boates  riding  under  my  sconse,  very  neere  where- 
unto  directly  from  the  West  runneth  a  most  notable  River,  and 
in  all  those  parts  most  famous,  called  the  River  of  Moratoc* 
This  River  openeth  into  the  broad  Sound  of  Weapomeiok.f 
And  whereas  the  River  of  Chawanook,  and  all  the  other 
Sounds,  and  Bayes,  salt  and  fresh,  shewe  no  current  in  the 
world  in  calme  weather,  but  are  mooved  altogether  with  the 
winde :  This  River  of  Moratoc  hath  so  violent  a  current  from 
the  West  and  Southwest,  that  it  made  me  almost  of  opinion 
that  with  oares  it  would  scarse  be  navigable :  it  passeth  with 
many  creekes  and  turnings,  and  for  the  space  of  thirtie  miles 
rowing,  and  more,  it  is  as  broad  as  the  Thames  betwixt  Green- 
wich and  the  Isle  of  dogges,  in  some  places  more,  and  in  some 
lesse :  the  current  runneth  as  strong,  being  entred  so  high  into 
the  River,  as  at  London  bridge  upon  a  vale  water. 

And  for  that  not  onely  Menatonon,  but  also  the  Savages  of 
Moratoc  themselves  doe  report  strange  things  of  the  head  of 
that  River,  it  is  thirtie  dayes  as  some  of  them  say,  and  some 
say  fourtie  dayes  voyage  to  the  head  thereof,  which  head  they 
say  springeth  out  of  a  maine  rocke  in  that  abundance,  that  forth- 
with it  maketh  a  most  violent  streame :  and  further,  that  this 
huge  rock  standeth  so  neere  unto  a  Sea,  that  many  times  in 
stormes  (the  winde  comming  outwardly  from  the  sea)  the  waves 
thereof  are  beaten  into  the  said  fresh  streame,  so  that  the  fresh 
water  for  a  certaine  space,  groweth  salt  and  brackish  :  I  tooke  a 

*  River  Appomatox  ?  t  James  River? 

385 


resolution  with  my  selfe,  having  dismissed  Menatonon  upon  a 
ransome  agreed  for,  and  sent  his  sonne  into  the  pinnesse  to 
Roanoak,  to  enter  presently  so  farre  into  that  River  with  two 
double  whirries,  and  fourtie  persons  one  or  other,  as  I  could 
have  victuall  to  cary  us,  until  we  could  meete  with  more  either 
of  the  Moraroks,  or  of  the  Mangoaks,  which  is  another  kinde  of 
Savages,  dwelling  more  to  the  Westward  of  the  said  Rive?):  but 
the  hope  of  recovering  more  victuall  from  the  Savages"  made 
mee  and  my  company  as  narrowly  to  escape  starving  in  that 
discoverie  before  our  returne,  as  ever  men  did,  that  missed  the 
same. 

For  Pemisapan,  who  had  changed  his  name  of  Wingina  upon 
the  death  of  his  brother  Granganimo,  had  given  both  the 
Choanists,  and  Mangoaks  Vorde  of  my  purpose  towarde  them, 
I  having  bene  inforced  to  make  him  privie  to  the  same,  to  bee 
served  by  him  of  a  guide  to  the  Mangoaks,  and  yet  hee  did 
never  rest  to  solicite  continually  my  going  upon  them,  certify- 
ing mee  of  a  generall  assembly  even  at  that  time  made  by 
"vMenatonon  at  Chawanook  of  all  his  Weroances,  and  allies  to 
the~rTumber  of  three  thousand  bowes,  preparing  to  come  upon 
us  at  Roanoak,  and  that  the  Mangoaks  also  were  ioyned  in  the 
same  confederacie,  who  were  able  of  themselves  to  bring  as 
many  more  to  the  enterprise7)iAnd  true  it  was  that  at  that  time 
the  assembly  was  holden  at  Chawanook  about  us,  as  I  found  at 
my  comming  thither,  which  being  unlooked  for  dido  dismay 
them,  as  it  made  us  have  the  better  hand  at  them.  But  this 
confederacie  against  us  of  the  Choanists  and  Mangoaks  wras 
altogether  and  wholly  procured  by  Pemisapan  himselfe,  as 
Menatonon  confessed  unto  me,  who  sent  them  continual  word, 
that  our  purpose  was  fully  bent  to  destroy  them :  on  the  other 
side  he  told  me,  that  they  had  the  like  meaning  towards  us. 

\Hee  in  like  sort  having  sent  worde  to  the  Mangoaks  of  mine 
intention  to  passe  up  into  their  River,  and  to  kill  them  (as  he 
saide)  both  they  and  the  Moratoks,  with  whom  before  wee  were 
entred  into  a  league,  and  they  had  ever  dealt  kindly  with  us,  • 
abandoned  their  Townes  along  the  River,  and  retired  them- 
selves with  their  Crenepos,*  and  their  Come  within  the 
maine :  insomuch  as  having  passed  three  dayes  voyage  up  the 
River,  wee  could  not  meete  a  man,  nor  finde  a  graine  of  Corne 
in  any  of  their  Townes :  whereupon  considering  with  my  selfe 
that  wee  had  but  two  dayes  victuall  left,  and  that  wee  were 

*  Their  women. 
386 


then  1 60.  miles  from  home,  besides  casualtie  of  contrarie 
windes  or  stormes,  and  suspecting  treason  of  our  owne  Savages 
in  the  discoverie  of  our  voyage  intended,  though  wee  had  no 
intention  to  bee  hurtfull  to  any  of  them,  otherwise  then  for  our 
copper  to  have  had  corne  of  them :  I  at  night  upon  the  Corps 
of  guard,  before  the  putting  foorth  of  Centinels,  advertised  the 
whole  company  of  the  case  wee  stoode  in  for  victuall,  and  of 
mine  opinion  that  we  were  betrayed  by  our  owne  Savages,  and 
of  purpose  drawen  foorth  by  them  upon  vaine  hope  to  be  in 
the  ende  starved,  seeing  all  the  Countrey  fled  before  us,  and 
therefore  while  wee  had  those  two  dayes  victual  left,  I  thought 
it  good  for  us  to  make  our  returne  homeward,  and  that  it  were 
necessary  for  us  to  get  the  other  side  of  the  Sound  of  Weopo- 
meiok  in  time,  where  wee  might  be  relieved  upon  the  weares  of 
Chypanum,  and  the  womens  Towne,  although  the  people  were 
fled. 

Thus  much  I  signified  unto  them,  as  the  safest  way :  never- 
thelesse  I  did  referre  it  to  the  greatest  number  of  voyces, 
whether  wee  should  adventure  the  spending  of  our  whole 
victuall  in  some  further  viewe  of  that  most  goodly  River  in 
hope  to  meete  with  some  better  happe,  or  otherwise  to  retire 
our  selves  backe  againe.  And  for  that  they  might  be  the  better 
advised,  I  willed  them  to  deliberate  all  night  upon  the  matter, 
and  in  the  morning  at  our  going  aborde  to  set  our  course 
according  to  the  desires  of  the  greatest  part.  Their  resolution 
fully  and  wholy  was  (and  not  three  founde  to  bee  of  the  con- 
trary opinion)  that  whiles  there  was  lefte  but  one  halfe  pinte  of 
Corne  for  a  man,  wee  should  not  leave  the  search  of  that  River, 
and  that  there  were  in  the  companie  two  Mastives  upon  the 
pottage  of  which  with  Sassafras  leaves  (if  the  worst  fell  out)  the 
company  would  make  shift  to  live  two  dayes,  which  time  would 
bring  them  downe  the  current  to  the  mouth  of  the  River,  and 
to  the  entrie  of  the  Sound,  and  in  two  dayes  more  at  the 
farthest  they  hoped  to  crosse  the  Sound  and  to  bee  relieved  by 
the  weares,  which  two  dayes  they  would  fast  rather  then  be 
drawen  backe  a  footeltill  they  had  seene  the  Mangoaks,  either 
as  friendes  or  foes._j  This  resolution  of  theirs  did  not  a  little 
please  mee,  since  it  came  of  themselves,  although  for  mistrust 
of  that  which  afterwards  did  happen,  I  pretended  to  have  bene 
rather  of  the  contrary  opinion. 

I  And  that  which  made  me  most  desirous  to  have  some  doings 
with  the   Mangoaks  either  in  friendship  or  otherwise  to  have 

387 


had  one  or  two  of  them  prisoners,  was,  for  that  it  is  a  thing 
most  notorious  to  all  the  countrey,  that  there  is  a  Province  to 
the  which  the  said  Mangoaks  have  recourse  and  trafique  up 
that  River  of  Moratoc,  which  hath  a  marveilous  and  most 
strange  Minerall.  This  Mine  is  so  notorious  amongst  them, 
as  not  onely  to  the  Savages  dwelling  up  the  said  river,  and  also 
to  the  Savages  of  Chawanook,  and  all  them  to  the  Westward, 
but  also  to  all  them  of  the  maine :  the  Countreis  name  is  of 
fame,  and  is  called  Chaunis  Temoatan. 

The  Minerall  they  say  is  Wassador,  which  is  copper,  but 
they  call  by  the  name  of  Wassador  every  mettall  whatsoever : 
they  say  it  is  of  the  colour  of  our  copper,  but  our  copper  is  better 
then  theirs :  and  the  reason  is  for  that  it  is  redder  and  harder, 
whereas  that  of  Chaunis  Temoatan  is  very  soft,  and  pale :  they 
say  that  they  take  the  saide  mettall  out  of  a  river  that  falleth 
very  swift  from  hie  rockes  and  hils,  and  they  take  it  in  shallow 
water:  the  maner  is  this.  They  take  a  great  bowle  by  their 
description  as  great  as  one  of  our  targets,  and  wrappe  a  skinne 
■over  the  hollow  parte  thereof,  leaving  one  part  open  to  receive 
in  the  minerall :  that  done,  they  watch  the  comming  downe  of 
the  current,  and  the  change  of  the  colour  of  the  water,  and  then 
suddenly  chop  .downe  the  said  bowle  with  the  skinne,  and 
receive  into  the  same  as  much  oare  as  will  come  in,  which  is 
ever  as  much  as  their  bowle  will  holde,  which  presently  they 
cast  into  a  fire,  and  foorthwith  it  melteth,  and  doeth  yeeld  in 
five  parts  at  the  first  melting,  two  parts  of  mettall  for  three 
partes  of  oare.  Of  this  mettall  the  Mangoaks  have  so  great 
store,  by  report  of  all  the  Savages  adioyning,  that  they  beautify 
their  houses  with  greate  plates  of  the  same :  and  this  to  be 
true,  I  received  by  report  of  all  the  countrey,  and  particularly 
by  yong  Skiko,  the  King  of  Chawanooks  sonne  of  my  prisoner, 
who  also  him  selfe  had  bene  prisoner  with  the  Mangoaks,  and 
set  downe  all  the  particularities  to  me  before  mentioned :  but 
he  had  not  bene  at  Chaunis  Temoatan  himselfe :  for  hee  said 
it  was  twentie  dayes  iourney  overland  from  the  Mangoaks,  to 
the  said  Minerall  Countrey,  and  that  they  passed  through 
certaine  other  territories  betweene  them  and  the  Mangoaks, 
before  they  came  to  the  said  Countrey. 

Upon  report  of  the  premisses,  which  I  was  very  inquisitive 
in  all  places  where  I  came  to  take  very  particular  information 
of  by  all  the  Savages  that  dwelt  towardes  these  parts,  and 
especially  of  Menatonon  himselfe,  who  in  every  thing  did  very 
388 


particularly  informe  mee,  and  promised  me  guides  of  his  owne 
men,  who  should  passe  over  with  me,  even  to  the  said  Country  of 
Chaunis  Temoatan  (for  overland  from  Chawanook  to  the  Man- 
goaks  is  but  one  dayes  iourney  from  Sunne  rising  to  Sunne 
setting,  whereas  by  water  it  is  seven  dayes  with  the  soonest : 
These  things,  I  say,  made  me  very  desirous  by  all  meanes  pos- 
sible to  recover  the  Mangoaks,  and  to  get  some  of  that  their 
copper  for  an  assay,  and  therefore  I  willingly  yeelded  to  their 
resolution :  But  it  fell  out  very  contrary  to  all  expectation,  and 
likelyhood :  for  after  two  dayes  travell,  and  our  whole  victuall 
spent,  lying  on  shoare  all  night,  wee  could  never  see  man,  onely 
fires  we  might  perceive  made  alongst  the  shoare  where  we  were 
to  passe,  and  up  into  the  Country,  untill  the  very  last  day.  In 
the  evening  whereof,  about  three  of  the  clocke  wee  heard  cer- 
taine  Savages  call  as  we  thought,  Manteo,  who  was  also  at 
that  time  with  me  in  the  boat,  whereof  we  all  being  very  glad, 
hoping  of  some  friendly  conference  with  them,  and  making  him 
to  answere  them,  they  presently  began  a  song,  as  we  thought, 
in  token  of  our  welcome  to  them :  but  Manteo  presently  be- 
tooke  him  to  his  piece,  and  tolde  mee  that  they  meant  to  fight 
with  us :  which  word  was  not  so  soon  spoken  by  him,  and  the 
light  horseman  ready  to  put  to  shoare,  but  there  lighted  a  vollie 
of  their  arrowes  amongst  them  in  the  boat,  but  did  no  hurt 
(God  be  thanked)  to  any  man.  Immediatly,  the  other  boate 
lying  ready  with  their  shot  to  skoure  the  place  for  our  hand 
weapons  to  lande  upon,  which  was  presently  done,  although 
the  land  was  very  high  and  steepe,  the  Savages  forthwith 
quitted  the  shoare,  and  betooke  themselves  to  flight :  wee 
landed,  and  having  faire  and  easily  followed  for  a  smal  time 
after  them,  who  had  wooded  themselves  we  know  not  where : 
the  Sunne  drawing  then  towards  the  setting,  and  being  then 
assured  that  the  next  day  if  wee  would  pursue  them,  though  we 
might  happen  to  meete  with  them,  yet  wee  should  be  assured  to 
meete  with  none  of  their  victuall,  which  we  then  had  good 
cause  to  thinke  of:  therefore  choosing  for  the  company  a  con- 
venient ground  in  safetie  to  lodge  in  for  the  night,  making  a 
strong  Corps  of  guard,  and  putting  out  good  Centinels,  I  deter- 
mined the  next  morning  before  the  rising  of  the  Sunne  to  be 
going  back  againe,  if  possibly  we  might  recover  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  into  the  broad  sound,  which  at  my  iirste  motion  I  \^ 
found  my  whole  company  ready  to  assent  unto j)  for  they  were 
nowe  come  to  their  Dogges  porredge,  that  they  had  bespoken 

389 


10 

for  themselves  if  that  befell  them  which  did,  and  I  before  did 
mistrust  we  should  hardly  escape.  The  ende  was,  we  came 
the  next  day  by  night  to  the  Rivers  mouth  within  foure  or  five 
miles  of  the  same,  having  rowed  in  one  day  downe  the  current, 
much'  as  in  foure  dayes  wee  had  done  against  the  same :  we 
lodged  upon  an  Hand,  where  wee  had  nothing  in  the  world  to 
eate  but  pottage  of  Sassafras  leaves,  the  like  whereof  for  a 
meate  was  never  used  before  as  I  thinke.  The  broad  sound  wee 
had  to  passe  the  next  day  all  fresh  and  fasting :  that  day  the 
winde  blew  so  strongly  and  the  billow  so  great,  that  there  was 
no  possibilitie  of  passage  without  sinking  of  our  boates.  This 
was  upon  Easter  eve,  which  was  fasted  very  truely.  Upon 
Easter  day  in  the  morning  the  winde  comming  very  calme,  we 
entred  the  sound,  and  by  foure  of  the  clocke  we  were  at  Chip- 
anum,  whence  all  the  Savages  that  we  had  left  there  were  left, 
but  their  weares  did  yeeld  us  some  fish,  as  God  was  pleased  not 
utterly  to  suffer  us  to  be  lost :  for  some  of  our  company  of  the 
light  horsemen  were  farre  spent.  The  next  morning  wee 
arrived  at  our  home  Roanoak. 

I  have  set  downe  this  Voyage  somewhat  particularly,  to  the 
ende  it  may  appeare  unto  you,  (as  true  it  is)  that  there  wanted 
no  great  good  will  from  the  most  to  the  least  amongst  us,  to 
have  perfited  this  discoverie  of  the  Mine  :  for  that  the  dis- 
covery of  a  good  Mine,  by  the  goodnesse  of  God,  or  a  passage 
to  the  South-sea,  or  some  way  to  it,  and  nothing  els  can  bring 
this  Countrey  in  request  to  be  inhabited  by  our  nation.  And 
with  the  discovery  of  either  of  the  two  above  shewed,  it  will  bee 
the  most  sweet  and  healthfullest  climate,  and  there  withall 
the  most  fertile  soyle  (being  manured)  in  the  world :  and  then 
will  Sassafras,  and  many  other  rootes  and  gummes  there  found 
make  good  marchandise  and  lading  for  shipping,  which  other- 
wise of  themselves  will  not  be  worth  fetching. 

Provided  also,  that  there  be  found  out  a  better  harborough 
then  yet  there  is,  which  must  be  to  the  Northward,  if  any  there 
bee,  which  was  mine  intention  to  have  spent  this  Summer  in 
the  search  of,  and  of  the  Mine  of  Chawnis  Temoatan :  the  one 
I  would  have  done,  if  the  barkes  that  I  should  have  had  of  Sir 
Francis  Drake,  by  his  honourable  courtesie,  had  not  bene 
driven  away  by  storme :  the  other  if  your  supply  of  more  men, 
and  some  other  necessaries  had  come  to  us  in  any  convenient 
sufficiencie.  For  this  river  of  Moratico  promiseth  great  things, 
and  by  the  opinion  of  M.  Hariots  the  head  of  it  by  the  descrip- 
39o 


1 1 

tion  of  the  Countrey,  either  riseth  from  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  or 
els  from  very  neere  unto  the  same,  that  openeth  out  into  the 
South  sea. 

And  touching  the  Minerall,  thus  doeth  M.  Youghan  affirme, 
that  though  it  be  but  copper,  seeing  the  Savages  are  able  to 
melt  it,  it  is  one  of  the  richest  Minerals  in  the  world. 

Wherefore  a  good  harborough  found  to  the  Northward,  as 
before  is  saide,  and  from  thence  foure  dayes  overland,  to  the 
River  of  Choanoak  sconses  being  raised,  from  whence  againe 
overland  through  the  province  of  Choanoak  one  dayes  voyage 
to  the  first  towne  of  the  Mangoaks  up  the  river  of  Moratico  by 
the  way,  as  also  upon  the  said  River  for  the  defence  of  our 
boats  like  sconses  being  set,  in  this  course  of  proceeding  you 
shall  cleare  your  selfe  from  al  those  dangers  and  broad  shallow 
sounds  before  mentioned,  and  gaine  within  foure  dayes  travell 
into  the  heart  of  the  maine  200.  miles  at  the  least,  and  so  passe 
your  discovery  into  that  most  notable  countrey,  and  to  the  like- 
liest parts  of  the  maine,  with  farre  greater  felicitie  then  other- 
wise can  bee  performed. 

Thus  Sir,  I  have  though  simply,  yet  truely  set  downe  unto 
you,  what  my  labour  with  the  rest  of  the  gentlemen,  and  poore 
men  of  our  company  (not  without  both  paine  and  perill,  which 
the  Lord  in  his  mercy  many  wayes  delivered  us  from)  could 
yeeld  unto  you,  which  might  have  bene  performed  in  some 
more  perfection,  if  the  Lord  had  bene  pleased  that  onely  that 
which  you  had  provided  for  us  had  at  the  first  bene  left  with  us, 
or  that  hee  had  not  in  his  eternall  providence  now  at  the  last 
set  some  other  course  in  these  things,  than  the  wisedome  of  man 
coulde  looke  into,  which  truely  the  carying  away  by  a  most 
strange  and  unlooked  for  storme  of  all  our  provision,  with 
Barks,  Master,  Mariners,  and  sundry  also  of  mine  owne  com- 
pany, al  having  bene  so  courteously  supplied  by  the  generall 
Sir  Francis  Drake,  the  same  having  bene  most  sufficient  to 
have  performed  the  greatest  part  of  the  premisses,  must  ever 
make  me  to  thinke  the  hand  of  God  onely  (for  some  his  good 
purpose  to  my  selfe  yet  unknowen)  to  have  bene  in  the  matter. 


39i 


12 


The  second  part  touching  the  conspiracie  of  Pemisapan,  the  dis- 
covery of  the  same,  and  at  the  last,  of  our  request  to  depart 
with  Sir  Francis  Drake  for  England. 

ENsenore  a  Savage  father  to  Pemisapan  being  the  onely 
friend  to  our  nation  that  we  had  amongst  them,  and  about  the 
King,  died  the  20.  of  April  1586.  He  alone  had  before 
opposed  himselfe  in  their  consultations  against  all  matters  pro- 
posed against  us,  which  both  the  King  and  all  the  rest  of  them 
after  Grangemoes  death,  were  very  willing  to  have  preferred. 
And  he  was  not  onely  by  the  meere  providence  of  God  during 
his  life,  a  meane  to  save  us  from  hurt,  as  poysonings  and  such 
like,  but  also  to  doe  us  very  great  good,  and  singularly  in 
this. 

The  King  was  advised  and  of  himselfe  disposed,  as  a  ready 
meane  to  have  assuredly  brought  us  to  ruine  in  the  moneth  of 
March  1586.  himselfe  also  with  all  his  Savages  to  have  runne 
away  from  us,  and  to  have  left  his  ground  in  the  Hand  un- 
sowed :  which  if  hee  had  done,  there  had  bene  no  possibiltie  in 
common  reason,  (but  by  the  immediate  hande  of  God)  that  wee 
could  have  bene  preserved  from  starving  out  of  hande.  For  at 
that  time  wee  had  no  weares  for  fish,  neither  coulde  our  men 
skill  of  the  making  of  them,  neither  had  wee  one  graine  of 
Corne  for  seede  to  put  into  the  ground. 

In  mine  absence  on  my  voyage  that  I  had  made  against  the 
Chaonists,  and  Mangoaks,  they  had  raised  a  brute  among  them- 
selves, that  I  and  my  company  were  part  slaine,  and  part 
starved  by  the  Chaonists,  and  Mangoaks.  One  part  of  this 
tale  was  too  true,  that  I  and  mine  were  like  to  be  starved,  but 
the  other  false. 

Neverthelesse  untill  my  returne  it  tooke  such  effect  in  Pem- 
isapans  breast,  and  in  those  against  us,  that  they  grew  not 
onely  into  contempt  of  us,  but  also  (contrary  to  their  former 
reverend  opinion  in  shew,  of  the  Almightie  God  of  heaven,  and 
Iesus  Christ  whom  wee  serve  and  worship,  whom  before  they 
would  acknowledge  and  confesse  the  onely  God)  now  they 
began  to  blaspheme,  and  flatly  to  say,  that  our  Lorde  God  was 
not  God,  since  hee  suffered  us  to  sustaine  much  hunger,  and 
also  to  be  killed  of  the  Renapoaks,  for  so  they  call  by  that 
generall  name  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  maine,  of  what 
province  soever.  Insomuch  as  olde  Ensenore,  neither  any  of 
his  fellowes,  could  for  his  sake  have  no  more  credite  for  us : 
392 


13 

and  it  came  so  farre  that  the  king  was  resolved  to  have  pres- 
ently gone  away  as  is  aforesaid. 

But  even  in  the  beginning  of  this  bruite  I  returned,  which 
when  hee  sawe  contrary  to  his  expectation,  and  the  advertise- 
ment that  hee  had  received :  that  not  onely  my  selfe,  and  my 
company  were  all  safe,  but  also  by  report  of  his  owne  3.  Sav- 
ages which  had  bene  with  mee  besides  Manteo  in  that  voyage, 
that  is  to  say,  Tetepano,  his  sisters  husband  Eracano,  and 
Cossine,  that  the  Chanoists  and  Mangoaks  (whose  name  and 
multitude  besides  their  valour  is  terrible  to  all  the  rest  of  the 
provinces)  durst  not  for  the  most  part  of  them  abide  us,  and 
that  those  that  did  abide  us  were  killed,  and  that  we  had 
taken  Menatonon  prisoner,  and  brought  his  sonne  that  he  best 
loved  to  Roanoak  with  mee,  it  did  not  a  little  asswage  all 
devises  against  us :  on  the  other  side,  it  made  Ensenores 
opinions  to  be  received  againe  with  greater  respects.  For  he 
had  often  before  tolde  them,  and  then  renewed  those  his  former 
speeches,  both  to  the  King  and  the  rest,  that  wee  were  the 
servants  of  God,  and  that  wee  were  not  subiect  to  bee  destroyed 
by  them :  but  contrary  wise,  that  they  amongst  them  that 
sought  our  destruction,  shoulde  finde  their  owne,  and  not  bee 
able  to  worke  ours,  and  that  we  being  dead  men  were  able  to 
doe  them  more  hurt,  then  now  we  could  do  being  alive :  an 
opinion  very  confidently  at  this  day  holden  by  the  wisest 
amongst  them,  and  of  their  old  men,  as  also,  that  they  have 
bene  in  the  night,  being  100.  miles  from  any  of  us,  in  the  aire 
shot  at,  and  stroken  by  some  men  of  ours,  that  by  sicknesse 
had  died  among  them :  and  many  of  them  holde  opinion,  that 
we  be  dead  men  returned  into  the  world  againe,  and  that  wee 
doe  not  remaine  dead  but  for  a  certaine  time,  and  that  then  we 
returne  againe. 

All  these  speeches  then  againe  grewe  in  ful  credite  with 
them,  the  King,  and  all,  touching  us,  when  hee  sawe  the  small 
troupe  returned  againe,  and  in  that  sort  from  those  whose  very 
names  were  terrible  unto  them  :  But  that  which  made  up  the 
matter  on  our  side  for  that  time  was  an  accident,  yea  rather  (as 
all  the  rest  was)  the  good  providence  of  the  Almightie  for  the 
saving  of  us,  which  was  this. 

Within  certaine  dayes  after  my  returne  from  the  sayd  iourney, 
Menatonon  sent  a  messenger  to  visite  his  sonne  the  prisoner 
with  me,  and  sent  me  certaine  pearle  for  a  present,  or  rather,  as 
Pemisapan  tolde  mee,  for  the  ransome  of  his  sonne,  and  there- 

393 


H 

fore  I  refused  them  :  but  the  greatest  cause  of  his  sending  then, 
was  to  signifie  unto  mee,  that  hee  had  commaunded  Okisko 
King  of  Weopomiok,  to  yeelde  himselfe  servant,  and  homager, 
to  the.  great  Weroanza  of  England,  and  after  her  to  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh :  to  perfourme  which  commandement  received  from 
Menatonon,  the  sayde  Okiosko  ioyntly  with  this  Menatonons 
messenger  sent  foure  and  twentie  of  his  principallest  men  to 
Roanoak  to  Pemisapan,  to  signifie  that  they  were  ready  to  per- 
fourme the  same,  and  so  had  sent  those  his  men  to  let  mee 
knowe  that  from  that  time  forwarde,  hee,  and  his  successours 
were  to  acknowledge  her  Maiestie  their  onely  Soveraigne,  and 
next  unto  her,  as  is  aforesayd. 

All  which  being  done,  and  acknowledged  by  them  all,  in  the 
presence  of  Pemisapan  his  father,  and  all  his  Savages  in  coun- 
sell  then  with  him,  it  did  for  the  time  thorowly  (as  it  seemed) 
change  him  in  disposition  toward  us :  Insomuch  as  forthwith 
Ensenore  wanne  this  resolution  of  him,  that  out  of  hand  he 
should  goe  about,  and  withall,  to  cause  his  men  to  set  up 
weares  foorthwith  for  us  :  both  which  he  at  that  present  went  in 
hande  withall,  and  did  so  labour  the  expedition  of  it,  that  in 
the  end  of  April  he  had  sowed  a  good  quantitie  of  ground,  so 
much  as  had  bene  sufficient,  to  have  fed  our  whole  company 
(God  blessing  the  grouth)  and  that  by  the  belly,  for  a  whole 
yere :  besides  that  he  gave  us  a  certaine  plot  of  ground  for  our 
selves  to  sowe.  All  which  put  us  in  marveilous  comfort,  if  we 
could  passe  from  Aprill  untill  the  beginning  of  Iuly,  (which  was 
to  have  bene  the  beginning  of  their  harvest,)  that  then  a  newe 
supply  out  of  England  or  else  our  owne  store  would  well  ynough 
maintaine  us  :  All  our  feare  was  of  the  two  moneths  betwixt,  in 
which  meane  space  if  the  Savages  should  not  helpe  us  with 
Chassaui,  and  Chyna,  and  that  our  weares  should  faile  us,  (as 
often  they  did)  we  might  very  well  starve,  notwithstanding  the 
growing  come,  like  the  starving  horse  in  the  stable,  with  the 
growing  grasse,  as  the  prover  be  is  :  which  wee  very  hardly  had 
escaped,  but  onely  by  the  hand  of  God,  as  it  pleased  him  to  try 
us.  For  within  few  dayes  after,  as  before  is  saide,  Ensenore 
our  friend  died,  who  was  no  sooner  dead,  but  certaine  of  our 
great  enemies  about  Pemisapan,  as  Osacan  a  Weroance,  Tana- 
quiny  and  Wanchese  most  principally,  were  in  hand  againe  to 
put  their  old  practises  in  use  against  us,  which  were  readily 
imbraced,  and  all  their  former  devises  against  us,  reneued,  and 
new  brought  in  question.  But  that  of  starving  us,  by  their  for- 
394 


■    i5 

bearing  to  sow,  was  broken  by  Ensenore  in  his  life,  by  having 
made  the  King  all  at  one  instant  to  sow  his  ground,  not  onely 
in  the  Hand,  but  also  at  Dasamonquepeio  in  the  maine,  within 
two  leagues  over  against  us.  Neverthelesse  there  wanted  no 
store  of  mischievous  practises  among  them,  and  of  all  they 
resolved  principally  of  this  following. 

First  that  Okisko  king  of  Weopomeiok  with  the  Mandoages 
should  bee  mooved,  and  with  great  quantitie  of  copper  inter- 
tained  to  the  number  of  7.  or  8.  hundreth  bowes,  to  enterprise 
"the  matter  thus  to  be  ordered.  They  of  Weopomeiok  should 
be  invited  to  a  certaine  kind  of  moneths  minde  which  they  doe 
use  to  solemnise  in  their  Savage  maner  for  any  great  personage 
dead,  and  should  have  bene  for  Ensenore.  At  this  instant  also 
should  the  Mandoaks,  who  were  a  great  people,  with  the 
Chesepians  and  their  friends  to  the  number  of  700.  of  them,  be 
armed  at  a  day  appointed  to  the  maine  of  Dasamonquepeio, 
and  there  lying  close  at  the  signe  of  fires,  which  should  inter- 
changeably be  made  on  both  sides,  when  Pemisapan  with  his 
troupe  above  named  should  have  executed  me,  and  some  of  our 
Weroances  (as  they  called  all  our  principall  officers,)  the  maine 
forces  of  the  rest  should  have  come  over  into  the  Island,  where 
they  went  to  have  dispatched  the  rest  of  the  company,  whom 
they  did  imagine  to  finde  both  dismayed  and  dispersed  abroad 
in  the  Island,  seeking  of  crabs  and  fish  to  live  withall.  The 
maner  of  their  enterprise  was  this. 

Tarraquine  and  Andacon  two  principall  men  about  Pem- 
isapan, and  very  lustie  fellowes,  with  twentie  more  appointed 
to  them  had  the  charge  of  my  person  to  see  an  order  taken  for 
the  same,  which  they  ment  should  in  this  sort  have  bene  exe- 
cuted. In  the  dead  time  of  the  night  they  would  have  beset 
my  house,  and  put  fire  in  the  reedes  that  the  same  was  covered 
with :  meaning  (as  it  was  likely)  that  my  selfe  would  have  come 
running  out  of  a  sudden  amazed  in  my  shirt  without  armes, 
upon  the  instant  whereof  they  would  have  knocked  out  my 
braines. 

The  same  order  was  given  to  certaine  of  his  fellowes,  for  M. 
Heriots :  so  for  all  the  rest  of  our  better  sort,  all  our  houses  at 
one  instant  being  set  on  fire  as  afore  is  saide,  and  that  as  well 
for  them  of  the  fort,  as  for  us  at  the  towne.  Now  to  the  ende 
that  we  might  be  the  fewer  in  number  together,  and  so  bee  the 
more  easily  dealt  withall  (for  in  deed  tenne  of  us  with  our 
armes  prepared,  were  a  terrour  to  a  hundred  of  the  best  sort  of 

395 


16 

them,)  they  agreed  and  did  immediatly  put  it  in  practise,  that 
they  should  not  for  any  copper  sell  us  any  victuals  whatsoever : 
besides  that  in  the  night  they  should  sende  to  have  our  weares 
robbed,  and  also  to  cause  them  to  bee  broken,  and  once  being 
broken  never  to  bee  repaired  againe  by  them.  By  this  meanes 
the  King  stood  assured,  that  I  must  bee  enforced  for  lacke  of 
sustenance  there,  to  disband  my  company  into  sundry  places  to 
live  upon  shell  fish,  for  so  the  Savages  themselves  doe,  going 
to  Hatorask,  Croatoan,  and  other  places,  fishing  and  hunting, 
while  their  grounds  be  in  sowing,  and  their  corne  growing: 
which  failed  not  his  expectation.  For  the  famine  grew  so 
extreeme  among  us,  our  weares  failing  us  of  fish,  that  I  was 
enforced  to  sende  Captaine  Stafford  with  20.  with  him  to 
Croatoan  my  Lord  Admirals  Hand  to  serve  two  turnes  in  one, 
that  is  to  say,  to  feede  himselfe  and  his  company,  and  also  to 
keepe  watch  if  any  shipping  came  upon  the  coast  to  warne  us 
of  the  same.  I  sent  M.  Pridiox  with  the  pinnesse  to  Hatorask, 
and  ten  with  him,  with  the  Provost  Marshal  to  live  there,  and 
also  to  wait  for  shipping:  also  I  sent  every  weeke  16.  or  20.  of 
the  rest  of  the  company  to  the  maine  over  against  us,  to  live  of 
Casada  and  oysters. 

In  the  meane  while  Pemisapan,  went  of  purpose  to  Dasa- 
monquepeio  for  three  causes :  The  one  to  see  his  grounds 
there  broken  up,  and  sowed  for  a  second  crop :  the  other  to 
withdrawe  himselfe  from  my  dayly  sending  to  him  for  supply 
of  victuall  for  my  company,  for  hee  was  afraid  to  deny  me  any 
thing,  neither  durst  hee  in  my  presence  but  by  colour  and  with 
excuses,  which  I  was  content  to  accept  for  the  time,  meaning 
in  the  ende  as  I  had  reason  to  give  him  the  iumpe  once  for  all: 
but  in  the  meane  whiles,  as  I  had  ever  done  before,  I  and  mine 
bare  all  wrongs,  and  accepted  of  all  excuses. 

My  purpose  was  to  have  relied  my  selfe  with  Menatonon, 
and  the  Chaonists,  who  in  trueth  as  they  are  more  valiant 
people  and  in  greater  number  then  the  rest,  so  are  they  more 
faithfull  in  their  promises,  and  since  my  late  being  there  had 
given  many  tokens  of  earnest  desire  they  had  to  ioyne  in 
perfect  league  with  us,  and  therefore  were  greatly  offended 
with  Pemisapan  and  Weopomeiok  for  making  him  beleeve  such 
tales  of  us. 

The  third  cause  of  his  going  to  Dasamonquepeio  was  to 
dispatch  his  messengers  to  Weopomeiok,  and  to  the  Man- 
doages,  as  aforesaid :  all  which  he  did  with  great  imprest  of 
396 


copper  in  hand,  making  large  promises  to  them  of  greater 
spoile. 

The  answere  within  few  dayes  after  came  from  Weopomeiok, 
which  was  devided  into  two  parts.  First  for  the  King  Okisko, 
who  denied  to  be  of  the  partie  for  himselfe,  or  any  of  his 
especiall  followers,  and  therefore  did  immediatly  retire  him- 
selfe with  his  force  into  the  maine  :  the  other  was  concerning 
the  rest  of  the  province  who  accepted  of  it :  and  in  like  sort 
the  Mandoags  received  the  imprest. 

The  day  of  their  assembly  aforesaid  at  Roanoak  was  ap- 
pointed the  i p.  of  June:  all  which  the  premises  were  dis- 
covered by  Skyco,  the  King  Menatonon  his  Sonne  my  prisoner, 
who  having  once  attempted  to  run  away,  I  laid  him  in  the 
bylboes,  threatening  to  cut  off  his  head,  whom  I  remitted  at 
Pemisapans  request :  whereupon  hee  being  perswaded  that  hee 
was  our  enemie  to  the  death,  he  did  not  onely  feed  him  with 
himselfe,  but  also  made  him  acquainted  with  all  his  practises. 
On  the  other  side,  the  yong  man  finding  himselfe  as  well 
used  at  my  hande,  as  I  had  meanes  to  shew,  and  that  all  my 
company  made  much  of  him,  he  flatly  discovered  al  unto  me, 
which  also  afterwards  was  reveiled  unto  me  by  one  of  Pemisa- 
pans owne  men,  that  night  before  he  was  slaine. 

These  mischiefes  being  all  instantly  upon  me  and  my  com- 
pany to  be  put  in  execution,  it  stood  mee  in  hand  to  study 
howe  to  prevent  them,  and  also  to  save  all  others,  which  were 
at  that  time  as  aforesaid  so  farre  from  me  :  whereupon  I  sent 
to  Pemisapan  to  put  suspition  out  of  his  head,  that  I  meant 
presently  to  go  to  Croatoan,  for  that  I  had  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  our  fleete,  (though  I  in  trueth  had  neither  heard 
nor  hoped  for  so  good  adventure,)  and  that  I  meant  to  come 
by  him,  to  borrow  of  his  men  to  fish  for  my  company,  and  to 
hunt  for  me  at  Croatoan,  as  also  to  buy  some  foure  dayes 
provision  to  serve  for  my  vogaye. 

He  sent  me  word  that  he  would  himselfe  come  over  to 
Roanoak,  but  from  day  to  day  he  deferred,  onely  to  bring 
the  Weopomeioks  with  him  and  the  Mandoags,  whose  time 
appointed  was  within  eight  dayes  after.  It  was  the  last  of  May 
1586  when  all  his  owne  Savages  began  to  make  their  assembly 
at  Roanoak,  at  his  commandement  sent  abroad  unto  them,  and 
I  resolved  not  to  stay  longer  upon  his  comming  over,  since  he 
meant  to  come  with  so  good  company,  but  thought  good  to  go 
and  visit  him  with  such  as  I  had,  which  I  resolved  to  do  the 

397 


Jj8 

next  day :  but  that  night  I  meant  to  give  them  in  the  Hand 
a  camisado,*  and  at  the  instant  to  seize  upon  all  the  canoas 
about  the  Island,  to  keepe  him  from  advertisements. 

But  the  towne  tooke  the  alarme  before  I  meant  it  to  them : 
the  occasion  was  this,  I  had  sent  the  Master  of  the  light  horse- 
men, with  a  fewe  with  him,  to  gather  up  all  the  canoas  in  the 
setting  of  the  Sun,  and  to  take  as  many  as  were  going  from  us 
to  Dasamonquepeio,  but  to  suffer  any  that  came  from  thence, 
to  land.  He  met  with  a  canoa,  going  from  the  shore,  and 
overthrew  the  canoa,  and  cut  off  two  Savages  heads  :  this  was 
not  done  so  secretly  but  he  was  discovered  from  the  shore ; 
whereupon  the  cry  arose :  for  in  trueth  they,  privy  to  their 
owne  villanous  purposes  against  us,  held  as  good  espial  upon 
us,  both  day  and  night,  as  we  did  upon  them. 

The  alarme  given,  they  tooke  themselves  to  their  bowes,  and 
we  to  our  armes :  some  three  or  foure  of  them  at  the  first  were 
slaine  with  our  shot ;  the  rest  fled  into  the  woods.  The  next 
morning  with  the  light  horsemen  and  one  Canoa  taking  25 
with  the  Colonel  of  the  Chesepians,  and  the  Sergeant  maior,  I 
went  to  Dasamonquepeio :  and  being  landed,  sent  Pemisapan 
word  by  one  of  his  owne  Savages  that  met  me  at  the  shore, 
that  I  was  going  to  Croatoan,  and  meant  to  take  him  in  the 
way  to  compiaine  unto  him  of  Osocon,  who  the  night  past  was 
conveying  away  my  prisoner,  whom  I  had  there  present  tied  in 
an  handlocke.  Heereupon  the  king  did  abide  my  comming  to 
him,  and  finding  myselfe  amidst  seven  or  eight  of  his  principall 
Weroances  and  followers,  (not  regarding  any  of  the  com- 
mon sort)  I  gave  the  watch-word  agreed  upon,  (which  was, 
Christ  our  victory)  and  immediatly  those  his  chiefe  men  and 
himselfe  had  by  the  mercy  of  God  for  our  deliverance,  that 
which  they  had  purposed  for  us.  The  king  himselfe  being 
shot  thorow  by  the  Colonell  with  a  pistoll,  lying  on  the  ground 
for  dead,  and  I  looking  as  watchfully  for  the  saving  of  Man- 
teos  friends,  as  others  were  busie  that  none  of  the  rest  should 
escape,  suddenly  he  started  up,  and  ran  away  as  though  he 
had  not  bene  touched,  insomuch  as  he  overran  all  the  com- 
pany, being  by  the  way  shot  thwart  the  buttocks  by  mine  Irish 
boy  with  my  petronell.  Inihe  end  an  Irish  man  serving  me, 
one  Nugent,  and  the  deputy  provost,  undertooke  him ;  and  fol- 
lowing him  in  the  woods,  overtooke  him  :  and  I  in  some  doubt 

*  Night  surprise.  So  called  from  having  been  made  by  horsemen  with  white  shirts  over 
their  armour  so  as  to  recognize  each  other  in  the  darkness. 

398 


19 

least  we  had  lost  both  the  king  and  my  man  by  our  owne  neg- 
ligence to  have  beene  intercepted  by  the  Savages,  wee  met  him 
returning  out  of  the  woods  with  Pemisapans  head  in  his  hand. 

This  fell  out  the  first  of  June  1586,  and  the  eight  of  the 
same  came  advertisement  to  me  from  captaine  Stafford,  lying 
at  my  lord  Admirals  Island,  that  he  had  discovered  a  great 
fleet  of  three  and  twentie  sailes :  but  whether  they  were  friends 
or  foes,  he  could  not  yet  discerne.  He  advised  me  to  stand 
upon  as  good  guard  as  I  could. 

The  ninth  of  the  sayd  moneth  he  himselfe  came  unto  me, 
having  that  night  before,  and  that  same  day  travelled  by  land 
twenty  miles  :  and  I  must  truely  report  of  him  from  the  first 
to  the  last ;  hee  was  the  gentleman  that  never  spared  labour 
or  perill  either  by  land  or  water,  faire  weather  or  foule,  to 
performe  any  service  committed  unto  him. 

He  brought  me  a  letter  from  the  Generall  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
with  a  most  bountifull  and  honourable  offer  for  the  supply  of 
our  necessities  to  the  performance  of  the  action  wee  were 
entred  into  ;  and  that  not  only  of  victuals,  munition,  and  cloth- 
ing, but  also  of  barks,  pinnesses,  and  boats ;  they  also  by 
him  to  be  victualled,  manned  and  furnished  to  my  contenta- 
tion. 

The  tenth  day  he  arrived  in  the  road  of  our  bad  harborow  : 
and  comming  there  to  an  anker,  the  eleventh  day  I  came  to 
him,  whom  I  found  in  deeds  most  honourably  to  performe 
that  which  in  writing  and  message  he  had  most  curteously 
offered,  he  having  aforehand  propounded  the  matter  to  all  the 
captaines  of  his  fleet,  and  got  their  liking  and  consent  thereto. 

With  such  thanks  unto  him  and  his  captaines  for  his  care 
both  of  us  and  of  our  action,  not  as  the  matter  deserved,  but 
as  I  could  both  for  my  company  and  myselfe,  I  (being  afore- 
hand prepared  what  I  would  desire)  craved  at  his  hands  that 
it  would  please  him  to  take  with  him  into  England  a  number 
of  weake  and  unfit  men  for  any  good  action,  which  I  would 
deliver  to  him ;  and  in  place  of  them  to  supply  me  of  his 
company  with  oare-men,  artificers,  and  others. 

That  he  would  leave  us  so  much  shipping  and  victuall,  as 
about  August  then  next  following  would  cary  me  and  all  my 
company  into  England,  when  we  had  discovered  somewhat, 
that  for  lacke  of  needfull  provision  in  time  left  with  us  as  yet 
remained  undone. 

That  it  woulde  please  him  withall  to  leave  some  sufficient 

399 


20 

Masters  not  onely  to  cary  us  into  England,  when  time  should 
be,  but  also  to  search  the  coast  for  some  better  harborow,  if 
there  were  any,  and  especially  to  helpe  us  to  some  small  boats 
and  oare-men. 

Also  for  a  supply  of  calievers,  hand  weapons,  match  and 
lead,  tooles,  apparell,  and  suchlike. 

He  having  received  these  my  requests,  according  to  his 
usuall  commendable  maner  of  government  (as  it  was  told  me) 
calling  his  captaines  to  counsell ;  the  resolution  was  that  I 
should  send  such  of  my  officers  of  my  company  as  I  used 
in  such  matters,  with  their  notes,  to  goe  aboord  with  him ; 
which  were  the  Master  of  the  victuals,  the  Keeper  of  the  store, 
and  the  Vicetreasurer :  to  whom  he  appointed  forthwith  for  me 
The  Francis,  being  a  very  proper  barke  of  70  tun,  and  tooke 
present  order  for  bringing  of  victual  aboord  her  for  100  men 
for  foure  moneths,  with  all  my  other  demands  whatsoever,  to 
the  uttermost. 

And  further,  he  appointed  for  me  two  pinnesses,  and  foure 
small  boats  :  and  that  which  was  to  performe  all  his  former 
liberality  towards  us,  was  that  he  had  gotten  the  full  assents  of 
two  of  as  sufficient  experimented  Masters  as  were  any  in  his 
fleet,  by  iudgment  of  them  that  knew  them,  with  very  sufficient 
gings  to  tary  with  me,  and  to  employ  themselves  most  ear- 
nestly in  the  action,  as  I  should  appoint  them,  untill  the  terme 
which  I  promised  of  our  returne  into  England  againe.  The 
names  of  one  of  those  Masters  was  Abraham  Kendall,  the 
other  Griffith  Heme. 

While  these  things  were  in  hand,  the  provision  aforesaid 
being  brought,  and  in  bringing  aboord,  my  sayd  Masters  being 
also  gone"  aboord,  my  sayd  barks  having  accepted  of  their 
charge,  and  mine  owne  officers,  with  others  in  like  sort  of  my 
company  with  them  (all  which  was  dispatched  by  the  .  sayd 
General!  the  12  of  the  sayde  moneth)  the  13  of  the  same  there 
arose  such  an  unwoonted  storme,  and  continued  foure  dayes, 
that  had  like  to  have  driven  all  on  shore,  if  the  Lord  had  not 
held  his  holy  hand  over  them,  and  the  Generall  very  provi- 
dently foreseene  the  woorst  himselfe,  then  about  my  dispatch 
putting  himselfe  aboord :  but  in  the  end  having  driven  sundry 
of  the  fleet  to  put  to  Sea  the  Francis  also  with  all  my  provi- 
sions, my  two  Masters,  and  my  company  aboord,  she  was 
seene  to  be  free  from  the  same,  and  ^o  put  cleere  to  Sea. 

This  storme  having  continued  from  the  13  to  the  16  of  the 
400 


21 

moneth,  and  thus  my  barke  put  away  as  aforesayd,  the  Gen- 
erall  comming  ashore  made  a  new  proffer  unto  me  ;  which  was 
a  ship  of  170  tunne,  called  The  barke  Bonner,  with  a  sufficient 
Master  and  guide  to  tary  with  me  the  time  appointed,  and 
victualled  sufficiently  to  cary  me  and  my  company  into  Eng- 
land, with  all  provisions  as  before :  but  he  tolde  me  that  he 
would  not  for  any  thing  undertake  to  have  her  brought  into 
our  harbour,  and  therefore  he  was  to  leave  her  in  the  road, 
and  to  leave  the  care  of  the  rest  unto  my  selfe,  and  advised  me 
to  consider  with  my  company  of  our  case,  and  to  deliver  pres- 
ently unto  him  in  writing  what  I  would  require  him  to  doe  for 
us ;  which  being  within  his  power,  he  did  assure  me  aswell  for 
his  Captaines  as  for  himselfe,  shoulde  be  most  willingly 
performed. 

Heereupon  calling  such  Captaines  and  gentlemen  of  my  com- 
pany as  then  were  at  hand,  who  were  all  as  privy  as  my  selfe 
to  the  Generals  offer ;  their  whole  request  was  to  me,  that 
considering  the  case  that  we  stood  in,  the  weaknesse  of  our 
company,  the  small  number  of  the  same,  the  carying  away  of 
our  first  appointed  barke,  with  those  two  speciall  Masters,  with 
our  principall  provisions  in  the  same,  by  the  very  hand  of  God 
as  it  seemed,  stretched  out  to  take  us  from  thence ;  consider- 
ing also,  that  his  second  offer,  though  most  honourable  of  his 
part,  yet  of  ours  not  to  be  taken,  insomuch  as  there  was  no 
possibility  for  her  with  any  safety  to  be  brought  into  the 
harbour :  seeing  furthermore,  our  hope  for  supply  with  Sir 
Richard  Greenvill,  so  undoubtedly  promised  us  before  Easter, 
not  yet  come,  neither  then  likely  to  come  this  yeere,  consider- 
ing the  doings  in  England  for  Flanders,  and  also  for  America, 
that  therefore  I  would  resolve  my  selfe  with  my  company  to 
goe  into  England  in  that  fleet,  and  accordingly  to  make  request 
to  the  Generall  in  all  our  names,  that  he  would  be  pleased  to 
give  us  present  passage  with  him.  Which  request  of  ours 
by  my  selfe  delivered  unto  him,  hee  most  readily  assented 
unto :  and  so  he  sending  immediatly  his  pinnesses  unto  our 
Island  for  the  fetching  away  of  a  few  that  there  were  left  with 
our  baggage,  the  weather  was  so  boisterous,  and  the  pinnesses 
so  often  on  ground,  that  the  most  of  all  we  had,  with  all  our 
Cards,  Books  and  writings  were  by  the  Sailers  cast  overboard, 
the  greater  number  of  the  fleet  being  much  agrieved  with  their 
long  and  dangerous  abode  in  that  miserable  road. 

From  whence  the  Generall  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty, 

401 


22 

weying  his  ankers  (having  bestowed  us  among  his  fleet)  for  the 
feliefe  of  whom  hee  had  in  that  storme  susteined  more  perill 
of  wracke  then  in  all  his  former  most  honourable  actions 
against  the  Spanyards,  with  praises  unto  God  for  all,  set  saile 
the  nineteenth  of  Iune  1596,  and  arrived  in  Portsmouth  the 
seven  and  twentieth  of  Iuly  the  same  yeere. 


An  Extract  of  Master  Ralph  Lane's  Letter  to  M.  Richard 
Hakluyt  Esquire,  and  another  Gentleman  of  the  Middle 
Temple,  from    Virginia. 

In  the  meane  while  you  shall  understand,  that  since  Sir 
Richard  Greenvils  departure  from  us,  as  also  before,  we  have 
discovered  the  maine  to  be  the  goodliest  soyle  under  the  cope 
of  heaven,  so  abounding  with  sweete  trees,  that  bring  such  sun- 
dry rich  and  pleasant  gummes,  grapes  of  such  greatnesse,  yet 
wilde,  as  France,  Spaine  nor  Italie  have  no  greater,  so  many 
sorts  of  Apothecarie  drugs,  such  severall  kindes  of  flaxe,  &  one 
kind  like  silke,  the  same  gathered  of  a  grasse,  as  common 
there,  as  grasse  is  here.  And  now  within  these  few  dayes  we 
have  found  here  Maiz  or  Guinie  wheate,  whose  eare  yeeldeth 
corne  for  bread  400.  upon  one  eare,  and  the  Cane  maketh 
very  good  and  perfect  sugar,  also  Terra  Samia,  otherwise  Terra 
sigillata.  Besides  that,  it  is  the  goodliest  and  most  pleasing 
Territorie  of  the  world :  for  the  continent  is  of  an  huge  and 
unknowen  greatnesse,  and  very  well  peopled  and  towned, 
though  savagely,  and  the  climate  so  wholesome,  that  wee  had 
not  one  sicke  since  we  touched  the  land  here.  To  conclude,  if 
Virginia  had  but  horses  and  kine  in  some  reasonable  propor- 
tion, I  dare  assure  my  selfe  being  inhabited  with  English,  no 
realme  in  Christendome  were  comparable  to  it.  For  this  al- 
ready we-fmde,  that  what  commodities  soever  Spaine,  France, 
Italy,  or  the  East  partes  doe  yeeld  unto  us,  in  wines  of  all 
sortes,  in  oyles,  in  flaxe,  in  rosens,  pitch,  frankensence,  corrans, 
sugars,  and  such  like,  these  parts  doe  abound  with  the  growth 
of  them  all,  but  being  Savages  that  possesse  the  land,  they 
know  no  use  of  the  same.  And  sundry  other  rich  commodities, 
that  no  parts  of  the  world,  be  they  the  West  or  East  Indies, 
have,  here  wee  finde  great  abundance  of.  The  people  natu- 
rally are  most  courteous  and  very  desirous  to  have  clothes,  but 
especially  of  course  cloth  rather  then  silke,  course  canvas  they 
402 


2$ 

also  like  well  of,  but  copper  caryeth  the  price  of  all,  so  it  be 
made  red.  Thus  good  M.  Hakluyt  and  M.  H.  I  have  joyned 
you  both  in  one  letter  of  remembrance,  as  two  that  I  love 
dearely  well,  and  commending  me  most  heartily  to  you  both,  I 
commit  you  to  the  tuition  of  the  Almightie.  From  the  new 
Fort  in  Virginia,  this  third  of  September,  1585. 

Your  most  assured  friend  Ralph  Lane. 


"  The  name  and  fame  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  are  perpetuated  in  the 
name  of  the  capital  of  one  of  our  States, —  a  State  which  I  wish  bore 
the  name  of  Roanoke  instead  of  North  Carolina,  that  a  double 
historical  lesson  might  be  taught.  I  wish  that  there  might  stand  in 
the  centre  of  the  city  of  Raleigh,  which  perpetuates  this  historic 
name,  a  worthy  monument  to  the  great  movement  for  the  English 
colonization  of  America.  The  central  figure  of  that  monument 
should  be  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  At  Worms,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine,  where  Luther  made  his  memorable  protest  against  the  Empire 
and  the  Church,  is  that  noblest  and  most  impressive  of  all  monu- 
ments, in  which  the  figure  of  the  great  reformer  is  surrounded  by 
the  forms  of  Wyclif,  Savonarola,  Huss,  Melanchthon,  the  Elector,  and 
the  various  men  who,  in  the  political  and  intellectual  advances  of 
the  time  and  the  preceding  time,  were  co-operators  with  him  in  that 
many-sided  movement  which  we  call  the  Reformation.  I  wish  that 
the  movement  for  the  colonization  of  the  New  World  by  our  English 
race,  one  of  the  most  momentous  chapters  in  history,  might  have  a 
similar  commemoration.  Surrounding  the  central  figure  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  should  be  Drake,  Hawkins,  Frobisher,  Davis, 
Captain  John  Smith,  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  zealous  Richard  Hak- 
luyt, and  the  others.  In  that  notable  time  there  is  no  figure  so 
romantic  as  Raleigh's.  There  was  no  other  mind  so  generous  and 
so  capable,  none  of  so  great  comprehension  and  scope  as  his, 
concerning  the  opening  of  this  New  World.  He  it  was  who,  in  the 
pressure  and  the  dangers  of  that  time,  most  clearly  discerned  that 
it  was  from  America  that  Spain  derived  so  much  of  her  wealth  and 
power.  He  was  inspired  by  the  desire  that  England  should  have  a 
foothold  here,  and  that  she  should  supplant  Spain  in  the  New 
World ;  and  at  last,  after  the  failure  of  all  the  colonies  which  he  sent 
out,  one  following  another,  to  occupy  new  ground  here, —  at  the  last, 
toward  the  close  of  his  life,  the  great  prophet  and  believer  said, 
America  will  yet  become  an  English  nation.'  Let  America  honor 
the  prophet !  "  —  Edwin  D.  Mead. 


Old  South  Leaflet  No.  92  contains  the  account  of  the  First  Voyage  to  Roanoke,  that  made 
in  1584,  under  the  auspices  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  by  Captains  Amadas  and  Barlowe.  This 
expedition  sailed  in  April,  1584,  and  arrived  back  in  England  the  middle  of  September.  The 
enthusiastic  account  given  by  the  adventurers  delighted  Elizabeth  as  much  as  it  did  Raleigh ; 

403 


24 


householders,  to  plant  a  colony  at  Roanoke.  GrenvSlT  landed  thTcot^X0^^^ 
.left .  it  in  charge  of  Ralph  Lane,  while  he  himself  returned  to  England  for Lories  r£*?d 
LaneP  Jwfe±  ^  >?*  2°*  °f  lhe  comma^ers  of  the  firsl  Txpedh  ££* remained^S 
important  '  subsequ<«t  account  of  the  country  is  so  interesting  Tnd 

Grenville's  return  was  delayed ;  and  the  sufferings  of  the  colonists  were  ™  ^-^o  tw 
when  in  1586  Sir  Francis  Drake  put  in  at  Roanokegwith  his  flee°  after  the  sackW  of  S? 
Augustine  the  whole  company  returned  with  him  to  England.  A  ship  with  suDoHessent 
by  Raleigh  soon  arrived,  and  immediately  afterwards  Grenville  cam^-  h.Thnth  PfiP^t 
one  on  the  island,  returned  to  England  Grenville  left  fifteen  menT  but  when  J^W^it"0 
sent  by  Raleigh,  came  the  next  year,  he  found  that  these  men  had  been  massacred  by  the 
natives.  The  mysterious  disappearance  of  White's  own  colony  has  been  the  subfert  of  much 
Smother  SPeaeUded  U,e  aUemPt  "  eStaWiSh  '  «*»*  -  *-£   &$ 

■agaass  tz^Jttsstes^r&z  »  sit 

PrinrfV  •  ♦  ^,°lony  ln  A^er,lca^'  edited  by  Rev.  Increase  N.  Tarbox,  published  by  the 
Prince  Society  The  account  of  the  Grenville  expedition  is  by  two  hands- the  nam  live  of 
i-"Tge  Tl  Proceedl"g?  UP  l,o  Grenville's  departure  by  one  person,  possibly  Grenville 
Sk     r  account  of  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  the  colony,  that  given  in  the  present 

H»w     J       ine"  letjerfrom  Lane  to  Hakluyt  is  prefixed  to  this  account  as  it  appears  it, 

Hakluyt's  volume;    and  that  letter  is  given  also  in  this  leaflet 

hv  Wilt™ ^le  chapter  "Pon  Raleigh  in  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America  is 
by  Will.am  Wirt  Henry,  and  this  is  followed  by  a  critical  essay  on  the  sources  of  information 
f°o-j  blbh°graPhy  also  accompanies  the  article  on  Raleigh,  written  by  Prof.  J.  K.  Laughton 
«nol«f«Sthee  m  k-  DlctloPary  of  National  Biography.  Perhaps  the  most  critical  and 
scholarly  of  the  many  biographies  of  Raleigh  is  that  by  Edwards. 


PUBLISHED    BY 

THE  DIRECTORS  OF  THE  OLD  SOUTH  WORK, 

Old  South  Meeting-house,  Boston,  Mass. 


404 


Photomount 

Pamphlet 

Binder 

Gay  lord  Bros.  Inc. 

Makers 
Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

PAT.  JAN  21,  1908 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


B89B3B 


j»Bf 


This  book  may  be  kept  out  one  month  unless  a  recall 
notice  is  sent  to  you.  It  must  be  brought  to  the  North 
Carolina  Collection  (in  Wilson  Library)  for  renewal. 


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